Friday, April 29, 2011

Tanzania: Ministry Bans Homosexuality Films




THE Ministry of Information, Youth, Culture and Sports has barred public show of five local films, because they contravene with Tanzania's cultural norms of human decency.
A statement issued on Thursday by the Ministry said the Tanzania Film Censorship Board inspected 45 films last month and decided to expel public show of five films namely 'Mtoto wa Mama,' 'Inye', 'Inye Plus,' 'Inye Ndembendembe' and 'Inye Gwedegwede,' that are blamed for plunging the country into cultural and moral decay.

he statement further said that the board barred the films because they are against the values and insults women especially those with big figures, while others are being blamed for promoting homosexuality, which in a criminal offence in Tanzania.
"The ministry through the film board has decided to ban films that focus on explicit sex, obscenity and pornography which government consider immoral and a bad influence especially on the youth," reads part of the statement.
According to the ministry's statement 'Mtoto wa Mama' film encourages the youth to be gays.
"The 'Mtoto wa Mama' film is in grade 'R' which means that it is not supposed to be shown anywhere at any time in the country because the movie is gay themed and features the young boys actors in indecent dresses.

The National Film Board has reminded every film producer to submit a written letter with the attachment of a film script to the ministry to be reviewed, so as to establish whether a film meets the requirement set before it is allowed to hit the market.Moreover, the statement said, Inye, Inye Plus, Inye Ndembendembe and Inye Gwedegwede are in the same grade as they are comedy like movies, which insults women with huge figures, suggesting that their movements arouse sexual temptations.
Meanwhile, the Ministry has approved changes made on suspended 'Shoga' film which will now be known as 'Shoga Yangu.' The film can now be watched by people above 18 years; however, the board has ordered the producer to ensure that the film cover match with the revised content.

Safa confirms Bafana, Tanzania game

iol spt apr29 Bafana


Bafana Bafana will play Tanzania in a friendly international in the East African country's capital city of Dar-Es-Salaam on May 14, the South African Football Association (Safa) confirmed on Friday.
The match itself is already recognised on the fixture lists by world soccer body, Fifa.
Safa interim chief executive Pinky Lehoko said that all agreements have been made and that only logistical challenges and signing of contracts had to be finalised.
“Yes, in principle, we have agreed to play the fixture,” said Lehoko.
“But obviously there are some logistics that we have to do like, for instance, checking the hotels that the team will be staying in.
“We have already drawn up the final agreement and are now finalising arrangements.”
Bafana are ranked 39th in the world while Tanzania are 123rd.
Lehoko also confirmed that negotiations were ongoing between Safa and national broadcaster, the SABC, regarding television rights for future Bafana Bafana and other national teams matches.
The previous contract between the two parties expired at the end of March.
“It's obviously a delicate matter at this time and cannot reveal much,” she said.
“Negotiations are at an advanced stage with the SABC at the moment and I'm sure that an agreement will be reached soon.”
Bafana coach Pitso Mosimane is expected to name his squad next week even though it will not contain any players from Orlando Pirates who will be playing in the Nedbank Cup semifinals on the same weekend.
This will be the side's final game before they take on Egypt in Cairo on June 3 in their Group G 2012 Africa Cup of Nations qualifier.
South Africa tops the group with seven points from three games following two wins and a draw. – Sapa



Zanzibar President, Dr Ali Mohamed Shein being greeted by Turkish President, Abdullah Gul at Ankara International Airport on Friday. Dr Shein is on official tour of Turke

Avarice: The madness of King Mswati




waziland – a bewitching, verdant and mountainous little kingdom in southern Africa – has lately been more troubled than usual.
Last week, trade unions and activists banded together to challenge the absolute monarchy here.
King Mswati III has responded to their demands for greater political freedom, less corruption and more transparency in government with despotic crackdowns on their leaders.

The landlocked country of 1.4 million citizens, which is bordered on three sides by South Africa and on the east by Mozambique, gained independence from Great Britain in 1968.
King Mswati III was born four months before independence and inherited the mantle of authority from his father in 1986, eighteen years later.
Today, Swaziland is Africa's last absolute monarchy. Royal partisans dispute this characterisation; they point out that the King shares power with his mother, according to custom.

The past twenty-four years have seen the King develop a reputation for profligacy, ostentation, corruption, and petty self-indulgence in a country where thirty per cent of the people are unemployed, and seventy per cent subsisting on less than one dollar a day.

Ivory Coast militia leader killed




the leader of a militia that helped Alassane Ouattara defeat rival Laurent Gbagbo for the presidency in Ivory Coast has been killed.
Ibrahim Coulibaly died in a gun battle on Wednesday after he and his men refused to obey presidential orders to disarm.
The insurgents have been accused of not meeting a deadline to surrender arms and join the new army under Ouattara.
"I can confirm that Ibrahim Coulibaly was killed during fighting today," Captain Alla Kouakou Leon, a defence ministry spokesman, told Reuters news agency.
Ouattara had on Friday ordered Coulibaly and his forces to disarm or expect to have weapons seized by force. Coulibaly said that disarming would take time to organise.
Coulibaly's 'Invisible Commando' insurgents had fought alongside what is now the Ivorian national army to topple Gbagbo.
Last week Coulibaly pledged loyalty to Ouattara saying his 5,000 men were ready to join to new army. He requested a meeting with Ouattara but was told to disarm without condition.
It is believed that Coulibaly turned the gun on himself instead of surrendering to a group that he once considered an ally.
Fighting broke out on Wednesday night in the Abidjan neighbourhood of Abobo near the militia's headquarters as Ouattara's forces attacked the insurgents.
"Our positions were attacked this morning by Republican Forces (FRCI) while our soldiers had met to wait for disarmament overseen by the UN," Felix Anoble, a spokesman for Coulibaly, said.
Coulibaly had led a successful 1999 coup that installed General Robert Guei, who was assassinated after elections in 2000.

Morocco steps up security after cafe blast




Moroccan authorities have stepped up security following Thursday's bomb blast at a cafe in Marrakesh in which at least 16 people were killed, including 11 foreigners.
A senior police official said cordons have been erected at the entrances to Morocco's main cities and security forces deployed across the country, "to ensure the internal security of the country".
"Preliminary investigation ... suggests that this was a terrorist act caused by an explosive device," the official MAP news agency quoted Taieb Cherkaoui, the interior minister, as saying on Friday.
Khalid Naciri, a government spokesman, told the Associated Press news agency it was too soon to say who had carried out what he called a terrorist attack.
Interpol, the international police agency, condemned the attack and said it would ensure "the Moroccan authorities investigating this terrible attack have the full support of the global law enforcement community."
French intelligence and anti-terrorism experts will travel to Marrakesh on Friday to help in the probe, a source said.
Police sought to restore calm in the iconic Jamaa el-Fna square, a cultural heritage site frequented by tourists, while investigators worked to determine how it was carried out and who was responsible.
Police were at the site searching for clues on Friday morning, keeping back onlookers who showed up to see the dramatic sight. The explosion ripped off the facade of the Argana cafe, leaving awnings dangling.

Libyan fighters stray across Tunisian border




The Tunisian army stepped in, detaining and disarming the pro-Gaddafi fighters and then returning them to the Libyan side of the border, Al Jazeera's Anita McNaught reported from the Tunisian side of the frontier on Friday.
McNaught said three pro-Gaddafi soldiers had been reported killed, along with one Libyan rebel. Twelve Libyan soldiers had been hospitalised in Tunisian.
Bodies of pro-Gaddafi fighters litter the streets near the Dehiba-Wazin crossing the Reuters news agency reported.

"These are rats of the tyrant, they wanted to escape to Tunisia. But the rebels of 17th of February are standing up to you Gaddafi," an unidentified rebel told Reuters, referring to the dead Gaddafi fighters.
After shelling the town, pro-Gaddafi forces sent 15 military trucks towards Dehiba on Friday morning, where the majority of the townspeople sympathise with the Libyan rebels, our correspondent said.

"They were extremely angry at the [Libyan] soldiers' presence, they attacked them with rocks," she said. "It got very nasty, it's put the Tunisian government in a very difficult position."
Tunisia summoned Libya's ambassador to protest against the incursions on Friday afternoon, Radhouane Nouicer, the country’s Tunisian deputy foreign minister, told Al Jazeera.

"We summoned the Libyan envoy and gave him a strong protest because we won't tolerate any repetition of such violations. Tunisian soil is a red line and no one is allowed to breach it," he said.

Syrian forces shoot at civilians in Deraa

Wednesday, April 27, 2011

Probe into Ivory Coast's mass killings - Africa - Al Jazeera English

Probe into Ivory Coast's mass killings - Africa - Al Jazeera English

Tunisia bans ruling party officials from vote

Tunisia's former ruling party in the past 10 years will be barred from standing in elections on July 24, Beji Caid Esebsi, the country’s interim prime minister, has announced.

The time limit was cut from the 23 years that some groups had asked for, following the ouster of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who had been president since 1987 until he was toppled by a popular uprising in January.

Ben Ali's Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) party was regarded as a pillar of the increasingly corrupt and repressive regime he led in the north African country, which has been replaced by a transitional government.

"After reflection, the government has adopted a 10-year limit. We decided that 23 years was not logical. There are officials of the RCD who were repressed by the former regime," Caid Esebsi said on Tuesday.

A high commission entrusted with preparing the election of a constituent assembly decided by a majority - after a heated debate - on April 12 that any RCD member from the full 23 years of Ben Ali's rule should be banned from future office

Al-Qaeda releases video of French hostages

Video shows nuclear workers kidnapped last year in North Africa urging France to pull its troops out of Afghanistan.
Al-Qaeda's North African arm has released a video showing four French nuclear workers kidnapped last year in north Africa urging France to pull its troops out of Afghanistan.
A copy of the video, distributed on Tuesday by SITE, a US-based terrorism watchdog, shows a series of photographs of Pierre Legrand, Daniel Larribe, Thierry Dol and Marc Furrer with armed men standing behind them.
Over the photos is recorded an audio track that appears to be the men reading a prepared statement, one by one.
"We urge the president of the French republic, Nicolas Sarkozy, to respond positively to al-Qaeda's demand he withdraw French troops from Afghanistan, as the French have really no interest in the war in Afghanistan," they say.
According to the voices, the recordings were made on April 11, 12 and 13.
Reacting to the video, Laurent Wauquiez, France's minister for European affairs, told the French news network BFM-TV that Paris would "not allow its foreign policy to be dictated by kidnappers".
In September last year, armed men working for AQIM kidnapped seven people, including the four men in the video, from a uranium mining town
In February, three of the group, a French woman, a Togolese man and a Madagascan man were released, but sources close to the negotiations say that the group has demanded $132m in ransom for the remaining hostages.
It is believed the four men are being held in secret camps in the deserts of neighbouring Mali

Parade, pomp colour Union Day

PRESIDENT Jakaya Kikwete inspects a guard of honour mounted by units of the armed forces at the Amaan Stadium in Zanzibar on Tuesday as part of 47th Union Day celebrations. (Photo by Freddy Maro)

President Obama's birth certificate

Opposition boycott clouds Chad vote


Voters went to the polls in Chad, with Idriss Deby Itno, the country's sitting president, virtually assured of re-election after his three main opposition rivals announced a boycott.

Saleh Kebzabo, Wadal Abdelkader Kamougue and Ngarlejy Yorongar have withdrawn from what they have described as an "election circus" and have urged citizens to boycott Monday's vote.

Having demanded reforms that include the issuing of new voters' cards, they claim that unfair conditions caused Deby's Patriotic Movement of Salvation (known by its French acronym MPS) to crush them in a February parliamentary poll and are predicting the new poll will be a "historic fraud".
Witnesses said many voting stations opened late in the capital because of the late arrival of voting materials and staffThe ballot was underway in the district of Djambalpar where residents said they were pleased to be coming out to vote."I'm very happy to come to vote today to fulfil my civic duty," Youssouf Zeni, 58-year-old civil servant, said.At an election meeting on the last day of campaigning on Saturday, in a jam-packed N'Djamena stadium that can seat 20,000 people, Deby invited Chadians to "abandon ideas that divide us".His three main opponents, in turn, addressed a rally attended by more than 1,000 people earlier in the day, urging voters to boycott the vote.Kebzabo is the president of the National Union for Democracy and Renewal, the opposition party with the most national assembly seats, nine, followed by Kamougue's Union for Renewal and Democracy with seven seats, and Yorongar's Federation Action for the Republic, with four.Deby's MPS party won an absolute majority with 113 of the 188 seats in parliament against a fragmented and underfunded opposition of more than 100 parties in February's parliamentary elections, the first contested by the opposition since 2002.In Monday's vote, he will face two candidates from smaller opposition parties: Albert Pahimi Padacke and Nadji Madou.Deby has been in power since 1990 after unseating dictator Hissene Habre in a coup.Seeking a fourth five-year mandate, he has said he is certain of re-election and that the poll will be "credible". The real reason for his former challengers' boycott was that "they realise they will be beaten," the president told a press conference on Friday.With other parts of the Muslim world rocked by months of protests against long-serving rulers, Deby said he was only in power because his country wanted him."If the people had not asked me to be a candidate and to continue to serve Chad, I would never have done it," he said, adding he would focus his next term on helping the rural poor.An observer told the AFP news agency that the only test of Deby's support will be in the voter participation rate - which the president himself has predicted will exceed that of February's poll.Yorongar, though, has forecast a high abstention rate. "The boycott will be heeded, but the system of fraud will ensure that Deby gets 90 or 95 per cent," he said on Saturday.Sandwiched between volatile neighbours Niger and Sudan, Chad is one of Africa's poorest countries, despite abundant resources of uranium and gold.It became an oil producer in 2003 following the completion of a $4bn pipeline linking its oil fields to depots on the Atlantic coast.About 4.8 million of Chad's 11.1 million citizens are eligible to cast ballots, along with around 233,000 expatriates.


Nigeria counts votes after governor polls

Voting for 36 state governors held in the shadow of violence that followed the presidential poll.
unting is under way in Nigeria following elections for the country's state governorships. The vote count on Wednesday came amid reports that gunfire and ballot box thefts may have led to low voter turnout a day earlier in some polling areas.
Al Jazeera's Yvonne Ndege, reporting from Kano in northern Nigeria, said at least one state in the north, Gombe, had election officials fleeing polling units due to violence on Tuesday.
"We're still waiting for the results to start trickling in. Security forces are poised to clamp down on any violence that might erupt," she said.
"All of this is happening against the backdrop of a week of post-election mayhem in which at least 500 Nigerians have been killed and some 74,000 people displaced," she said.
 

AngloGold, African Barrick in ‘Advanced’ Talks on Tax Refunds in Tanzania

AngloGold Ashanti Ltd. (ANG), African Barrick Gold Ltd. (ABG) and other miners of the precious metal are in “advanced” talks with Tanzania’s government about a $273.9 million tax refund, the Chamber of Minerals and Energy said.
Tanzanian tax policy for the mining industry provides for a refund of duties on fuel used to generate electricity to power gold mines, as well as value-added tax, or VAT. Miners are claiming about 60 percent of the total amount in refundable fuel duties and 40 percent from VAT, said Godvictor Lyimo, chairman of the finance committee at the chamber.
“Engagements with government to resolve the matter are at advanced stages,” Lyimo said in an interview on April 20 from Dar es Salaam, Tanzania’s commercial capital. “Government has shown good will to resolve it.”
Tanzania is Africa’s fourth-biggest gold producer, according to data on the U.S. Geological Survey’s website. South Africa, Ghana and Mali are the largest producers on the continent. Exports of the metal from Tanzania jumped 22 percent to $1.6 billion in the year through February, the Bank of Tanzania said last month.
Mining companies in Tanzania say the taxes owed to them have accumulated since 2002. The Tanzania Revenue Authority confirmed negotiations are continuing.
“We are in talks with the miners, but cannot give you figures of payments from our taxpayers,” Protas Mmanda, the authority’s director for taxpayer education, said in a phone interview.

Refund Claims

AngloGold, the world’s third-biggest gold miner, is claiming $62 million in refundable fuel duties and $49 million in VAT from Tanzania’s government, according to its 2010 annual report. African Barrick, which operates four mines in the country, is owed $121 million, its annual report shows.
“ABG has been actively involved in discussions with the Tanzanian government and the Tanzanian Revenue Authority to resolve the status of fuel exercise levies and VAT refunds for its operations,” African Barrick said. “These issues have been outstanding for some time and were further complicated by amendments made to certain tax laws.”
In 2009, the Tanzanian government amended its tax laws requiring miners to pay VAT on all purchases. Previously, miners where allowed VAT relief because of the volume of their orders. Government then had to refund the bills after every 30 days. The state also relieved gold miners of duties on fuel for generating power.

Fuel Consumption

The industry consumes about 13.5 million liters (3.57 million gallons) of fuel per month, while gold-mining companies estimate fuel accounts for 30 percent of their operating cost, Lyimo said.
“Our position at the chamber is that government should move fast in resolving the matter because holding that money is constraining the companies’ cash flows,” he said. “That amount of money can start a new mine.”
Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete said last month that the country’s mining operations expanded at an average rate of 12 percent over the past decade, making it the country’s fastest-growing industry. Mining accounts for one-third of Tanzania’s foreign-exchange earnings and generates 2.3 percent of its gross domestic product, he said.

Monday, April 25, 2011

Siogopi vitisho, mapambano yapo palepale- Nape

KATIBU wa Halmashuri Kuu, Itikadi na Uenezi wa Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), Nape Nnauye, amesema atapambana vilivyo kuwang’oa mafisadi waliopo ndani ya chama hicho na kudai katika hilo haogopi mtu na kutotishika na vitisho vinavyoendelea dhidi yake.
Nape alitoa siku 90 kutaka mafisadi kujiondoa wenyewe ndani ya chama hicho na kinyume na hapo watatajwa hadhrani kwani kuwepo kwao wanakiharibu chama hicho na kukiondolea sifa.

Hata hivyo alisema hayo si maamuzi yake binafsi na kudai kuwa ni maazimi ya Halmashauri Kuu ya Taifa (NEC) na Kamati Kuu ya CCM yaliyoazimiwa katika vikao vyake.

Hivyo kufuatia vitisho kwa mafisadi hao amesema katika maisha yake hamwogopi mtu anapotekeleza majukumu yake ya kikazi na kuwataka wafanye wanayoyataka na kusisitiza kuwa amezaliwa katika jiji la Dar es Salaam, hivyo mapambano kwake ni mambo ya kawaida na kamwe hawezi kuogopa watu wanaomtisha.

“Mimi natimiza majukumu yangu nashangaa wanaosema kwamba nafanya mashambulizi yangu kwa ajili ya kuwalenga wanachama fulani”.

“Kwanza mimi namuamini sana Mungu na si kawaida yangu kumuogopa mtu, kwani Mungu akiamua kuniita sitaweza kupinga najua siku yangu ndio imefika’ sitaweza kukwepa” alisema Nnauye

“Sitavunjika moyo, sitakata tamaa na chochote wanachofanya mafisadi ni sawa na kumwagia petroli kwenye moto, matokeo yake ni kuendelea kuulipua na kukoleza mapambano ya vita dhidi yao,”

Hayo yamekuja baada ya kudaiwa kuna baadhi ya wanachama hawataki kujiondoa ndani ya chama hicho na kuleta vikwazo kutokana na hivi karibuni, CCM kuweka mikakati mipya ya kukijenga Chama na kuwataka watuhumiwa wa ufisadi walioko ndani ya CCM kutafakari na kuachia madaraka ndani ya siku 90, vinginevyo watalazimishwa.

Tangu kutangazwa kwa mkakati huo, kuna taarifa kuwa baadhi yao hawataki kuondoka na wamepanga kuanza kutekeleza njama za kuwachafua viongozi waandamizi wa CCM akiwemo Mwenyekiti wa Taifa wa CCM , Rais Jakaya Kikwete na familia yake.

Maadhimisho miaka 47 Muungano kesho



MAADHIMISHO miaka 47 ya Sikukuu ya Muungano wa Tanzania yanatarajiwa kufanyika kesho huko visiwani Zanzibar
Katika taarifa iliyotolewa na Ofisi ya Waziri Mkuu imesema kuwa, maadhimisho hayo kitaifa yanatarajiwa kufanyika katika Uwanja wa Amani kisiwani Zanzibar

Maadhimisho hayo ni kumbukumbu ya kukumbuka kuungana kwa nchi mbili ambazo ni Tanganyika na Zanzibar na kupatikana Tanzania nchi zilizoungana April 26, mwaka 1964 kwa kuchanganya udongo wa pande zote mbili na waasisi wa nchi hizo.

Hivyo kila mwaka ifikapo Aprili 26 ni siku ya mapumnziko kupisha sikukuu ya kumbukumbu hizo.

Hivyo watanzania wametakiwa kujitokeza kwa wingi uwanjani hapo kusherehekea kwa pamoja sikukuu hizo na milango ya uwanja huo ityafunguliwa kuanzia majira ya 12 asubuhi kuruhusu wananchi kujumuika katika sherehe hizo

Tanzania ,Clerics hit at ‘power mongers’

Tanzania;Heated debate as CCM and Chadema councillors argue over annual budget

For the first time in the history of the Singida district council, the full council meeting turned into a commotion after CCM and Chadema councillors met to discuss and pass the 2011/12 district council budget.
While the CCM councillors passed the budget, their counterparts objected claiming the standing council regulations were intentionally violated.
Special Seats legislators Christowaja Mtinda and Christina
Mughwai (Chadema) led by Singida East MP Tundu Lisu (Chadema) objected to the endorsement of the budget.
They wanted previous budgets to be evaluated first as a condition for fulfilling the standing district council regulations.
They also said the councillors should have all reports and documents not less than seven days before the meeting so that they would have sufficient time to read and go through them instead of finding them in the meeting room on the meeting day.
Lisu said it was important for the budget to be discussed in the meeting given its importance in the development of the district.
“Conflicts will never help our council to develop. Anger, ridicule and booing at one another will not help us. The regulations are clear; how come we want to act as if we don’t know them? This is not good for our council,” said Lisu.
The commotion started especially after the vice chairperson of the council, Hinga Mnyawi, presented the budget which was supported by all CCM councillors.
The CCM councillors were hitting at tables and booing at Chadema councillors each time the latter stood up to question about certain sections of the regulations and guidelines of the district council.
Despite frequent objections and interruptions, as well as Chadema making efforts to call for the Minister for Administration and Local Government for elaboration, the chairperson, Celestine Yunde, ignored it and asked for those who were ready to pass the budget.
All CCM councillors put their hands up in support of the budget, while those of Chadema refused to pass the budget saying those who endorsed the budget did so without knowing what they were doing.
However, after the full council ended, the Chadema councillors met with journalists to explain their intention to take the matter to the people saying all CCM councillors who endorsed the budget were betraying voters.
Lisu said they would go to every village to explain to people about the violation of the regulations by CCM councillors, saying what they did showed that they were not there for the interests of the people but their own.
Furthermore, he said he would request the office of the Auditor and Controller General to audit the Singida district to find out if there was any misappropriation of public funds.
He said further that he would forward the complaints to the Minister for Regional Administration and Local Government to explain about the violation of the district council’s regulations and the matter would also be taken to the next National Assembly.
For his part, district executive director Joseph Sabore said there was no violation of any regulations and that all regulations guiding the conduct of the full council had been observed.
The full council of Singida district has 64 CCM members, while Chadema has six members only, three of them being ward councillors.

ICC witnesses are at double risk – of threats and bribery

The defence and prosecution of the two Kenyan cases at the International Criminal Court last week began discussions on the disclosure of evidence against the so-called Ocampo Six.
It is unclear what the outcome will be. What is clear is that the judges will have to pay close attention to witness protection.The recent failure to secure a criminal conviction in Kenya in a corruption case against one of the Six, William Ruto, is a pointer to problems that may arise at the ICC.
It is nothing short of astonishing that no less than 18 witnesses lined up for the prosecution failed to appear.Two of the witnesses who did, reportedly turned “hostile” to the prosecution.
We are prone to blame investigators and the prosecution — as the bench did in throwing out the case. But we need to go deeper. One or two witnesses failing to show up is one thing — 18 doing so is another. That they did should have been examined.
The point being that witness protection is a critical concern.
The prosecution has, presumably, placed under the ICC’s Witness and Victim’s Protection Unit those witnesses it intends to use. But if, as stated at the Hague this week, it only intends to rely on 20 witnesses, 10 in respect of each case, that leaves an alarming number of potential witnesses at risk of either coercion or inducement — not just against the prosecution but also actively in support of the defence.Meanwhile, the sickening attempts to equate these suspects of international crimes with the Kapenguria Six of our Independence struggle show that Kenya does not yet have a common narrative about the post-election violence.In fact, three distinct narratives are not just developing, but hardening among their adherents: Narrative one, concerning the organised violence in the North Rift, legitimises it by equating it with justifiable protests about the supposed presidential results. Opponents of this narrative equate it with genocide.Narrative two, concerning the equally organised violence coming out from Central and Nairobi into the South Rift, equates the so-called counter attacks with justifiable “self-defence.” Ignoring the fact that, in the end, the victims of this violence had little or nothing to do with the organised violence in the North Rift.Narrative three, concerning the violence committed by state security agencies all across the country, is becoming a non-narrative. It didn’t happen.

Somalia drought leaves one in four children hungry - UN

Somali children in refugee camp (file photo) Thousands of Somalis have fled their homes after years of drought and violence
An UN official told the BBC about two and a half million people had been affected.
She said there had been complete crop failure in southern Somalia and that many had lost their livelihoods.
The country has also been ravaged by two decades of violence.
Many people are leaving rural areas to search for work in Somali towns, while others are quitting the country altogether - going to Kenya and Yemen, said Grainne Moloniy of the UN Food and Agricultural Organisation.
"One in four children is malnourished - that's one of the highest rates in the world," she told the BBC's World Today programme.
The rains have either failed or been inadequate for several seasons, fields are parched, and livestock - the mainstay of the economy - are dying.
People are become more dependent on remittances from their Somali relatives abroad, Ms Moloniy said.
However, the Somali diaspora has been hit by the global economic crisis, and in the past few years has been unable to send as much money home.
UN agencies and other humanitarian groups are also short of funds - the UN has only raised a third of what it needs for food aid for Somalia, Ms Moloniy said.
With no end to the drought in sight, and insecurity continuing in many parts of Somalia, it is likely the situation will get worse before it gets better, says BBC Africa analyst Mary Harper.
The country has experienced more than 20 years of conflict, with Islamist insurgents fighting forces of the transitional government, backed by peacekeepers from the African Union.

Chad opposition boycotts presidential election

President Idriss Deby on 23 April 2011 Mr Deby has been in power for more than 20 years
 
The people of Chad are going to the polls to vote in presidential elections with incumbent President Idriss Deby expected to win a fourth term.
The main opposition figures are boycotting after their demands for electoral reform were not met.
There are concerns that the boycott could affect voters turnout.
Mr Deby, who has faced two attempted coups since the last polls, has recently mended relations with Sudan, where rebel fighters were based.
The BBC's former correspondent in Chad, Celeste Hicks, says this has helped to restore security and it is significant that Monday's election is taking place in relative peace.
Chad became an oil-producing nation in 2003, but remains one of Africa's poorest countries.
'Voters' cards for sale'
Mr Deby is facing two challengers: a lawyer, Nadji Madou, and a former agriculture minister, Albert Pahimi Padacke. However, both are relatively unknown.
Many voting stations in the capital, N'Djamena, opened late because of the late arrival of voting materials and staff, the AFP news agency reported, quoting witnesses.
 

Analysis

For many Chadians, Monday's election is a foregone conclusion. With three of the most popular opposition politicians not taking part, it seems unlikely that Idriss Deby will face much of a challenge from the two candidates who are standing. Nadji Madou is a newcomer on the scene, a wealthy lawyer from the south; he may hold some appeal to younger voters, but lacks political experience. Albert Pahimi Padacke has a longer political career, but most of that has been as a minister in Mr Deby's government.

The apathy evident in some voters seems in part to spring from disaffection with February's legislative elections which many feel were badly organised. The rest is frustration with an electoral system that has consistently failed to offer real choice since Chad made the transition to multiparty democracy in the late 1990s.
Although President Deby will feel that he has shown Chadians the benefits of his 20-year tenure, including oil income spent on new hospitals, roads and schools - and perhaps more importantly bringing an end to the disastrous rebellions sponsored by Sudan - Chadians' real feelings will emerge when its known how many of the 4.8 million registered voters actually turn out.
Three of Chad's more prominent opposition figures, Ngarlejy Yorongar, Saleh Kebzabo and Wadal Kamougue, pulled out of the race after a list of demands to improve the electoral process was not met.
Most serious of these was a request to reprint voters cards, after Mr Kebzabo found a number of pre-dated cards on sale in N'Djamena's main market.
Some results from recent legislative elections were also annulled after the country's constitutional court found irregularities.
A coalition of rebel groups has also called on people not to vote, describing Mr Deby as the "Sultan of Chad".
He has been in power for more than 20 years after seizing power in a military coup, and changed the constitution in 2004 to scrap the two-term presidential limit.
Attempts by other African leaders to stay in power for more than two terms have proved unpopular - in neighbouring Niger the president was last year ousted by the army after he tried to extend his rule.
Since Chad's last elections rebels have twice travelled 1,000km (about 600 miles) from the east to the capital to overthrow Mr Deby, angered by his decision to change the constitution.
They were supported by the Sudanese government, which was unhappy with Darfuri rebels taking sanctuary in the east of Chad.
A rapprochement between Chad and Sudan in 2010 has helped bring peace to the region.

Nigeria: Boko Haram blamed for Maiduguri bombings

Map

Four bombs have exploded in Maiduguri in north-eastern Nigeria, killing at least three people.
Two blasts went off at a hotel and one at a transport hub on Sunday night. There was a fourth blast at a cattle market on Monday morning.
Similar attacks have been blamed on the Islamist Boko Haram sect which has been battling security services in the city.
The latest bombings come ahead of polls on Tuesday for the governors of Nigeria's 36 states.
Unrest swept across Nigeria's north following a presidential election on 16 April, which was won by incumbent Goodluck Jonathan, a southerner. Hundreds of people are believed to have been killed and tens of thousands fled their homes.
Police said the bombs bore all hallmarks of Boko Haram, who have mounted almost daily attacks and killings in the city in recent months.
Correspondents say Boko Haram's grievances are entirely separate to the post-election violence, but there are also suspicions that the group has been used locally by politicians to attack and to intimidate voters.Warning ,We will never accept any system of governance apart from the one described by Islam because that is the only way Muslims can be liberated”
End Quote Boko Haram statement .Police say three people died from the explosions at the Tudu Palace hotel and eight people have been wounded; details from the motor park blast are not yet known.
The BBC's Bilkisu Babangida, in Maiduguri, says there were no injuries reported from the explosion at the city's cattle market on Monday morning.
On Sunday, a three-page statement from Boko Haram, a group which is opposed to Western education and wants to see Islamic law imposed across Nigeria, was left outside of a newspaper office in the city warning of further attacks, our correspondent says.
"We will never accept any system of governance apart from the one described by Islam because that is the only way Muslims can be liberated," it said.
"We do not respect the Nigerian government because it is illegal. We will continue to fight its military and police because they are not protecting Islam."
There were two explosions in Maiduguri ahead of presidential polls, although no injuries were reported at the time.
Violence has also marred the election campaign in Borno state, including the assassination in January of the opposition All Nigeria People's Party (ANPP) candidate.
But our reporter says the latest bombings come as a surprise, as security is tight in the city because of the elections for governor.
"From all indications, this is the handiwork of Boko Haram, which has carried out similar attacks in the past," police spokesman Mai Mamm told AFP news agency.
Clashes in Maiduguri between Boko Haram and the police in July 2009 left hundreds of people dead, mainly member of the sect.
For the past six months, sect members have been fighting a guerrilla war, killing policemen and people they believe helped the security services in the fight against them

Sunday, April 24, 2011

Mangula: CCM kujivua gamba hakutoshi

KATIBU Mkuu Mstaafu wa CCM, Phillip Mangula, amesema mabadiliko makubwa yaliyotokea ndani ya chama hicho, hayatoshi kukiimarisha na kusisitiza kuwa kuna umuhimu wa kukumbuka mfumo wa hayati Mwalimu Julius Nyerere wa kuwaenzi mabalozi wa nyumba kumi.Akizungumza katika mahojiano maalumu na Mwananchi Jumapili kijijini kwake Imalinyi, Njombe, Mangula alisema mabalozi wa nyumba kumi wana uwezo mkubwa wa kukisimamia chama hicho na kwamba, bila kurejea mfumo huo mabadiliko yaliyofanyika hayatazaa matunda.

"Mabadiliko haya nimeyafurahia na lazima yawepo wakati huu tunapojiandaa na uchaguzi mwingine. Lakini pia tukumbuke kuwaenzi hawa mabalozi wa nyumba kumi ambao Nyerere aliwatumia kukijenga chama," alisena na kuongeza:

"Wakati ule, kila mwanzo wa mwezi, tulikuwa tunafanya vikao ambavyo wanachama walikuwa wakiibua mijadala iliyokuwa inafanyiwa kazi."

Mangula ambaye aliiongoza CCM kwa miaka kumi akiwa Katibu Mkuu (1996 hadi 2006), alisisitiza kuwa sehemu muhimu ambayo chama kinaweza kujengwa ni mashina kwa kuwatumia mabalozi wa nyumba kumi.

"Vikao vya wanachama vikirejeshwa nchi nzima, vinaweza kuleta matumaini makubwa ambayo yakiunganishwa na kujivua gamba, hali ya chama ya mwaka 2005, inaweza kurejea haraka," alisema.

Aprili 10, mwaka huu wajumbe wa Kamati Kuu ya Halmashauri Kuu ya Taifa ya CCM na Sekretarieti ya chama hicho walijiuzulu ikiwa ni mwanzo wa mageuzi makubwa ndani ya CCM.

Chiligati alisema lengo la mageuzi hayo ni kukijenga upya chama na kukiimarisha katika kipindi cha kuelekea uchaguzi mkuu ujao wa mwaka 2015.

Wajumbe wa Sekretarieti waliojiuzulu, ni Katibu Mkuu wa CCM, Yusuf Makamba manaibu makatibu wakuu wa CCM Bara, George Mkuchika na Visiwani, Saleh Ramadhan Feruzi na Katibu wa Itikadi na Uenezi, John Chiligati.



Wengine ni Katibu wa Uchumi na Fedha, Amos Makala, Katibu wa Mipango, Kidawa Saleh na Mkuu wa Kitengo cha Uhusiano na Mambo ya Nje, Bernard Membe.

Kwa mujibu wa Mangula, kama ngazi ya ubalozi, itasahauliwa na kukumbukwa wakati wa chaguzi ambapo ajenda kuu huwa ni ushindi, hali inaweza kuwa tete zaidi kwa sababu wanachama watakuwa wamekata tamaa.

Alisema CCM inapaswa kutafakari mabadiliko yaliyokikumba kutokana na matokeo ya uchaguzi mkuu na kuhakikisha kuwa kinajipanga vizuri kwa Uchaguzi Mkuu wa 2015.

"Najua uchambuzi wa hali na mazingira ndio umesababisha mabadiliko. Ilikuwa lazima tujihoji iweje chama kishuke kutoka asilimia 80.2  ya mwaka 2005 hadi asilimia 61.1 mwaka jana. Ni lazima Sekretarieti ya chama ijipange sawasawa kwa sababu hiyo ndiyo ubongo wa chama," alisisitiza Mangula.

Kuhusu muswada wa Katiba mpya, Mangula alisema ni kweli kwamba hali ya sasa inahitaji katiba ambayo italingana na hali halisi na hiyo lazima ijadiliwe na wananchi wenyewe.

"Huku vijijini hatujaona mjadala unaohusu katiba zaidi ya kusikia kwenye redio. Ukimuuliza mwenyekiti wa kijiji na serikali yake kuhusu katiba iliyopo wala huo muswada unasema nini, hajui kwa sababu kelele nyingi zinasikika huko juu tu," alisema.

Mangula ambaye amewahi kutumia nyadhifa mbalimbali katika Serikali ya Awamu ya Kwanza ya Mwalimu Nyerere, alifahamisha mabadiliko ya Katiba ya miaka ya nyuma yalitokana na hali iliyokuwapo wakati huo, ingawa Watanzania wengi hawakuwa wanaijua.

Alisema lazima viongozi wa serikali za vijiji na wananchi vijijini wapewe elimu ya uraia ili waielewe katiba iliyopo na wapewe fursa ya kuijadili.

Mangula alikosoa kitendo cha muswada huo kuandikwa kwa lugha ya Kiingereza akisema  anaamini kuwa haukulenga kumfikia mkulima, bali wasomi na watu wengine wa nje ya nchi wanaojua lugha hiyo.

CCM bado njia panda

Wakati huohuo, Fidelis Butahe na Exuper Kachenje wanaripoti kuwa, Mwenyekiti wa  CCM, Rais Jakaya Kikwete ana wakati mgumu kusimamia utekelezaji wa uamuzi wa Halmashauri Kuu ya Taifa (Nec) ya chama hicho kuwaondoa kwenye chama watuhumiwa ufisadi, baada ya kuibuka kundi la makada wa chama hicho wanaowatetea watuhumiwa hao.

Wakati Nec ikiamini kuwa kuwaondoa watuhumiwa hao kutasaidia kukisafisha chama hicho, kundi hilo linaona hatua hiyo kuwa ni unafiki.

Kundi hilo linadai kuwa kama Nec inaona ni busara kuwaondoa watuhumiwa hao kwenye chama, basi viongozi wote walioingia madarakani kwa fedha chafu za EPA, waondoke.

Hata hivyo, tayari Sekretarieti mpya ya CCM imegundua mbinu hiyo ya kukwamisha utekelezaji wa agizo hilo la Nec na kutoa onyo kali kwa kundi hilo.

Wiki iliyopita Katibu wa Itikadi na Uenezi wa CCM Nape Nnauye, alisema Sekretarieti ya CCM, imebaini mbinu chafu zinazotumiwa na watuhumiwa hao wa ufisadi, kumchafua Rais Kikwete na familia yake kwa kutumia magazeti na vyama vya siasa na kuonya kuwa mbinu hiyo haitawasaidia, kwa sababu ni lazima watuhumiwa hao waondoke kwenye chama kama ilivyoagizwa na Kamati Kuu ya CCM na Nec.

Hata hivyo jana Nape, alipotakiwa kuzungumzia hali hiyo alisema anashangazwa na watu hao aliosema ni wachache wasiofikia kumi, kuzungumzia masuala hayo wakati si wajumbe wa Nec, wala Kamati Kuu.
"Bahati nzuri, hawajui maamuzi ya vikao vya Nec wala utekelezaji wake kwa sababu hawakuwemo ndani ya vikao na wala si wajumbe wa vikao vile. Kinachonishangaza zaidi wanayaita maoni ya wengi wakati watu wanaotoa hawafiki kumi," alisema Nnauye.
Alisema anachokiona yeye kwa watu hao wachache, ni kama wametumwa kumtetea mtu fulani kwa umaarufu wake, akieleza kuwa ndani ya CCM maarufu ni chama na  siyo mtu.
Aliongeza kuwa wanayosema watu hao ni maoni na mawazo yao binafsi ambayo kimsingi hawazuiwi kuzungumza, lakini akasema ikiwa wanataka yapokelewe ndani ya chama wayawasilishe kwa maandishi kupitia vikao vya chama, yatajadiliwa na yakikubalika yatafanyiwa kazi.
"Hayo ni mawazo yao, sioni kama wamefanya dhambi kuyatoa, ila wayafikishe katika vikao halali vya chama. Walete kwa maandishi yatasikilizwa, yakikubaliwa yatafanyiwa kazi, wakitoa maneno barabarani tutayaacha barabarani," alisema na kuongeza:
"Tunayofanya, tunayoyasema tumekubaliana katika vikao, wao waseme nani kawaambia tunayofanya si maamuzi ya chama, wanapata wapi?"
Kuhusu kuwakabidhi barua watuhumiwa wa ufisadi, Nape alisema chama kilifanya maamuzi tofauti zaidi ya 27 na kwamba yote yanapitia hatua mbalimbali kabla barua kufikishwa kwa wahusika.
Hata hivyo, alisema hana hakika iwapo watuhumiwa wa ufisadi ndani ya CCM wameshakabidhiwa barua hizo.
"Tupo katika mambo ya Sikukuu ya Pasaka, sina hakika kama zimeshawafikia, lakini baada ya sikukuu nitakuwa ofisini hasa Jumatano, nitauliza na kujua kama wamefikishiwa barua hizo," alisema Nnauye.

Mmoja wa makada wanaopinga kuondolewa kwa watuhumiwa hao wa ufisadi ni Balozi Paul Ndobho ambaye alikaririwa hivi karibuni akieleza kuwa kama kweli CCM inataka kujivua gamba, viongozi wote waliochaguliwa kwa kutumia fedha zilizoibwa kwenye Akaunti ya Madeni ya Nje (EPA), waanze wao kuondoka.

Alisema inashangaza viongozi wa CCM wanawaonyeshea vidole baadhi ya wanachama wake kuwa ndio vinara wa rushwa wakati wao wenyewe walipatikana kwa njia ya rushwa. Kada mwingine wa CCM  anayepingana na uamuzi huo wa Nec ni Mkuu wa Mkoa Mstaafu, Stephen Mashishanga.

Pamoja na kupongeza mabadiliko kwenye Sekretarieti ya CCM, Mashishanga amepinga harakati za kuwaandama wanachama watatu kuwa ndiyo mafisadi.Alisema kuwashambulia makada hao wachache, hakuwezi kuisaidia CCM kurejesha umaarufu wake na kupendwa na wananchi.

Mashishanga alieleza moja ya mambo yaliyoipunguzia CCM kura katika uchaguzi uliopita kuwa ni wapinzani kuja na sera mbadala.David Msuya ni kada mwingine wa CCM aliyeibuka na kusema yuko tayari kuwatetea popote watuhumiwa hao wa ufisadi kwamba si mafisadi.

“Mimi nitaendelea kuwatetea kwa nguvu zangu zote kwamba si mafisadi na CCM na Serikali kama wanaweza kuthibitisha ufisadi wao, waende mahakamani,” alisema Msuya juzi mkoani Morogoro.

Kwa mujibu wa Msuya, kitendo cha Sekretarieti mpya ya CCM kuendelea kuzunguka nchini na kuzungumzia ufisadi bila kuchukua hatua za kisheria dhidi ya watuhumiwa, ni kuwachafua.
 
Msuya ambaye pia ni mwanasheria anayeshughulikia haki za watoto, alidai kuwa baada ya mkutano wa kamati kuu na halmashauri kuu ya chama hicho kufanyika mkoani Dodoma ,chama hicho kiliibuka na msemo mpya wa kujivua gamba ambao kama hautatumika vizuri, huenda ukaendelea kukigawa chama hicho.

Tuhuma za ufisadi ndani ya CCM hazikuishia kuwataka watuhumiwa wajitoe kwenye chama pekee, bali zimeingia hadi kwenye Jumuiya yake ya Umoja wa Vijana (UVCCM).
Kada wa CCM na mjumbe wa  Mkutano Mkuu wa Umoja wa Vijana wa Chama hicho, Augustino Matefu amewataka viongozi wote wa UVCCM……….. akidai kuwa wamewekwa madarakani na mafisadi.
Kada huyo aliyezungumza na waandishi wa habari juzi aliushutumu uongozi huo kuwa uko kwa ajili ya kuwatumikia mafisadi watatu ambao wako katika mbio za kutafuta urais kwa mwaka 2015.
Matefu alimtaja kiongozi mwingine wa UVCCM kutoka Kanda ya Kaskazini kuwa naye anatumikia vibaya umoja huo na kuwashukia Kaimu Mwenyekiti wa UVCCM, Beno Malisa na Katibu Mkuu, Martin Shigela kuwa wameshindwa kuwasaidia vijana walalahoi.
Uamuzi wa CCM kujivua gamba ulitokana na kauli ya Rais Kikwete Februari 5 mwaka huu wakati wa kilele cha chama hicho kutimiza miaka 34, baada ya kueleza kuwa chama hicho kilikuwa kimekosa mvuto kwa wananchi.

Cash-for-questions MPs turn House into a swamp of corruption and greed


A Kenyan parliamentary session in the past. Former Bahari MP Joe Khamisi reveals today how MPs are bribed to pass Bills in Parliament. In his book, The Politics of Betrayal: Diary of a Kenyan Legislator, Mr Khamisi says he was approached in 2004 by a Cabinet minister to support a Bill in exchange for a job for a relative and “fuel money 



Sometimes in mid-2004, an individual associated with a Cabinet minister called me to a meeting at the Professional Centre, just a few metres away from the Parliament buildings. He told me he had been instructed to “facilitate” me — a euphemism for a bribe in the political lingo—in exchange for my support on a Bill that was before Parliament. I was then a Member of the Departmental Committee on Health, Housing, Labour and Social Services, which was responsible for the passage of the Bill.
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The facilitation, he told me, was to be in the form of “fuel money” and employment for a relative who had to be a university graduate. The minister was worried that the Bill was unpopular among MPs and feared it could be defeated. The individual further revealed that an MP he did not name, had already been facilitated, and his young relative was already happily employed in the ministry. If I agreed, he told me, we could finalise the deal the following day
The brazen corruption attempt shocked me. Never before had anyone been so brave as to make such a proposition to me. I told him I would call him back, a response that surprised the individual who had expected an immediate commitment. The following day when my committee met, I reported my encounter with the individual and wondered aloud whether any one of the other members had been approached. They said they hadn’t. Soon, that proved not to be true because early the following morning, the same individual called and angrily demanded to know why I had reported our discussion to the committee. I knew at that point that one or more members had been compromised. After that encounter, I was removed from the committee and my efforts to seek intervention from the Speaker and the Chief Whip, who was also a member of the committee, failed. I did not earn another place in any house committee for the duration of my term.
I have narrated the above story to illustrate the presence of corruption in the Kenyan Parliament. So, if one asks whether or not MPs are “bought” to table questions, support, or oppose motions in that august House, the answer would be a strong ‘yes’. Unlike in other countries, where sting operations are carried out regularly and legislators are nabbed in the act of receiving bribes, no Kenyan legislator has ever been busted for corruption.
In Britain in the 1990s, two Conservative Party MPs were punished for allegedly asking questions in Parliament on behalf of a wealthy Egyptian businessman. That case, and several others that followed, were handled internally, and the MPs were suspended from the House for short periods of timeThere have also been innumerable unethical cases involving members of the US Congress, the most prominent being that of New York Democratic Congressman, Charles Rangle who was censured by his peers in December 2010 for violating House ethics and fund-raising rules. Although he did not lose his title or power to vote, the public shaming of the fifteen-year term congressman was embarrassing.
In Kenya, both local and foreign non-governmental organisations have raised and documented the questions-for-cash phenomenon in Parliament. A Transparency International (TI) report, for example, claimed individuals and organisations paid some MPs to raise questions or introduce motions for political and economic interests. The same report raised the issue of integrity regarding names of officials sent to committees for approval before appointment. Some committee members are paid to support or reject appointments, while others have been accused of spiking reports to favour or disfavour certain individuals or organisations facing parliamentary investigations. Corruption is also known to drive censure motions in Parliament. Members are bribed to “fix” certain legislators, while others are given money to oppose such motions.
It is no secret that dirty money in brown envelopes is routinely exchanged within the corridors of Parliament. Some of it is casually stuffed in pigeon holes for MPs to pick at will. With a fee of only several thousand shillings, an interested party can buy an MP’s vote on any issue. MPs are bought not only to ask questions, but also not to ask questions. Attracted to an easy source of revenue, some MPs raise questions to intimidate intended stakeholders. Once the money is paid, they disappear on the day of the debate, forcing the Speaker to drop the questions or motions. Apart from cash, legislators are also
rewarded with perks, such as vacations, goods, school fees for relatives, and so on. Some companies spend millions of shillings every year for MPs’ workshops to try to curry favour on pending laws. Interestingly, invitations for such workshops are channelled through the Office of the Clerk, which encourages legislators to attend. Air tickets are collected from there, making it look as if the events are sanctioned by the administration of Parliament
In 2009, a daily newspaper carried a report claiming that wealthy politicians and business magnates were involved in bribing a section of MPs to get them to debate or vote in a way that favoured their interests. The report also quoted previous and current MPs as admitting that corruption existed, and that “crucial reports had been adopted or thrown out, motions passed or rejected, and certain clauses introduced or removed from Bills before the House based purely on these partisan interests.”
Is lobbying a form of corruption? Lobbying is a common phenomenon in legislatures throughout the world. In Kenya, the lobbying sector has grown robustly in recent years due to an expanding economy and the competitive nature of business, but it remains comparatively small compared to that in developed countries. Many non-governmental organisations, multi-national companies, and foreign governments assign officers specifically to lobby the legislature and government institutions. In 2007, for example, a local drinks’ manufacturer successfully managed to lobby the Kenya Government to reduce excise duty from ten percent to five percent in that year’s budget. It was a win win situation as the government increased tax revenue due to increased sales and the company enjoyed tax reduction.

In the US, lobbying is so big that the US Senate had to draft a comprehensive official definition. In general, lobbying in the US is viewed as the practice of trying to persuade legislators to propose, pass, or defeat legislation or to change existing laws. To regulate the sector, lobbyists in the US — there are estimated to be thirty thousand of them in the capital, Washington, DC, alone — are required to register with the government. They are barred from buying gifts and meals for legislators, and while funded trips by lobbyists are not banned, legislators have to get prior permission from the Congressional Ethics Committee.
In the UK, lobbying traditionally refers to attempts to influence an MP’s vote by their fellow parliamentary colleagues, or by one of their constituents, or by any outside organisation. In both the US
and Britain, the lobby industry is worth billions of dollars, and employs thousands of workers, whose task is to influence the direction of legislation in a particular way. However, political analysts and scholars also see lobbying as a form of corruption where money, in brown envelopes or through bank transfers, changes hands. If this is the case, isn’t corruption through lobbying, being legitimised by the same bodies that are supposed to provide checks and balances?

One of the best examples of lobbying power in the Kenyan Parliament involved the enactment of the proposed National Social Security Bill, a piece of legislation intended to revolutionise health services in the country. Authors of the comprehensive legislation were the Minister for Health and technocrats at the state-run National Health Insurance Fund (NHIF). The NHIF was established to provide medical coverage for registered members, mostly in the public service. On the other hand, the legislation was meant to empower the fund to provide universal service to every Kenyan irrespective of age, health, economic, or social status. Although the idea had been in the minds of planners since independence, it was the first time a comprehensive health care plan of that nature had found its way to the floor of the House. The Bill was tabled in June 2004, amidst controversy over its viability and sustainability, and over questions about the NHIF’s capability to effectively and efficiently manage it.

For years, Kenyans had viewed the NHIF as a den of corruption and mismanagement. They accused it of wasting resources and losing money amounting to billions of shillings. The Ndung’u report on illegal land deals singled it out for spending 30 billion shillings in five years for unnecessary land purchases  a function completely out of its purview as a health insurance provider. Most of the land purchases were concluded under highly questionable circumstances. Also in 2003, the NHIF allegedly paid out 1 billion shillings to various hospitals as rebates; out of that, 300 million shillings was allegedly lost through fraudulent claims. The NHIF’s Chief Executive at the time, Dr Adan Hassan, however, was commended for spearheading the new medical scheme, although he did not escape criticisms from sections of the medical and insurance industries.

There was intense lobbying for and against the Bill, an exercise, which started months before the draft legislation reached Parliament. The Federation of Kenya Employees (FKE) joined hands with Avenue Healthcare — a health care provider — to bitterly oppose the scheme, accusing the government of rushing the initiative before actuarial studies had been done and before the NHIF had been properly evaluated. The two organisations also questioned the rationale of introducing such an expensive scheme when the country’s economy was struggling. Also questioning the government’s ability to sustain the programme was the World Bank — one of the organisations expected to help fund it. Its Country Director then, Makhtar Diop, said it was unlikely the Kenyan budget could afford such an expensive programme. “I do not know of any country anywhere with a domestic per capita income of below 400 US dollars that has attempted such an ambitious scheme,” he lamented.
But the government and the NHIF were unmoved, and went full throttle to try to ensure the enactment of the legislation, which was to cost 40 billion shillings. A portion of that money was to come from the Exchequer through Value Added Tax, Excise Duty, payroll contributions, and donor funding, while the rest was to be availed from the private sector and well wishers. In a press interview, Dr Hassan, said although he understood the concerns of his critics, he nevertheless, believed that the programme was doable and, therefore, vowed to take Kenyans to “the Promised Land.”

In the process of promoting passage of the Bill, the NHIF held a series of seminars to counter adverse publicity from critics opposed to the fund. The first workshop for MPs was held at the secluded but high market Ngulia Serena Safari Lodge in the Tsavo National Park on April 2, 2004. Representatives from the International Labour Office in Geneva and selected chief executives of social security organisations in other African countries were invited to sensitise the lawmakers on the positive aspects of a health insurance fund. Others who benefited from subsequent seminars and retreats organised by the NHIF were officials of the Federation of Kenya Employees (FKE) and government officers. A public relations firm was hired to market the initiative. The NHIF also heavily lobbied the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Health, Housing, Labour, and Social Welfare of which I was a member. The NHIF and the Ministry of Health also lobbied the Kenya National Union of Teachers, the Federation of Kenya Employers (FKE), as well as senior civil servants willing to support the scheme. The lobby efforts included both overt and covert monetary disbursements as well as pure public relations.

Saturday, April 23, 2011

Uganda's President on the Gadhafi he knows

Uganda's President on the Gadhafi he knows
Gadhafi and Museveni
March 28th, 2011
11:23 AM ET
By Yoweri Museveni, President of Uganda
By the time Col. Muammar al-Gadhafi came to power in 1969, I was a third-year university student at Dar-es-Salaam in Tanzania. We welcomed his rise because he was a leader in the tradition of Col. Gamal Abdul Nasser of Egypt who had a nationalist and pan-Arabist position.
Soon, however, problems cropped up with Gadhafi as far as Uganda and black Africa were concerned:
Backing Idi Amin: Idi Amin came to power in 1971 with the support of Britain and Israel because they thought he was uneducated enough to be used by them. Amin, however, turned against his sponsors when they refused to sell him guns to fight Tanzania. Unfortunately, Gadhafi, without first getting enough information about Uganda, jumped in to support Idi Amin. He did this because Amin was a "Muslim" and Uganda was a "Muslim country," where Muslims were being "oppressed" by Christians. Amin killed a lot of people extrajudicially, and Gadhafi was identified with these mistakes.
In 1972 and 1979, Gadhafi sent Libyan troops to defend Amin when we [the Uganda National Liberation Front] attacked him. I remember a Libyan Tupolev Tu-22 bomber trying to bomb us in Mbarara in 1979. The bomb ended up in Nyarubanga, Burundi, because the pilots were scared. They could not come close to bombing their intended target properly. We had already shot-down many of Amin's MIGs using surface-to-air missiles. Our Tanzanian brothers and sisters were doing much of this fighting. Many Libyan militias were captured and repatriated to Libya by Tanzania. This was a big mistake by Gadhafi and a direct aggression against the people of Uganda and East Africa.
Pushing for a United States of Africa: The second big mistake by Gadhafi was his position vis-à-vis the African Union (AU), where he called for a continental government "now." Since 1999, he has been pushing this position. Black people are always polite. They, normally, do not want to offend other people. This is called obufura in the Runyankore language, or mwolo in Luo - handling, especially strangers, with care and respect. It seems some of the non-African cultures do not haveobufura. You can witness a person talking to a mature person as if he or she is talking to a kindergarten child. "You should do this; you should do that; etc." We tried to politely point out to Gadhafi that continental governance was difficult in the short and medium term. We should, instead, aim at the Economic Community of Africa and, where possible, also aim at Regional Federations.
But Gadhafi would not relent. He would not respect the rules of the AU. Topics or discussions that had been covered by previous meetings would be resurrected by Gadhafi. He would "overrule" a decision taken by all other African heads of state. Some of us were forced to come out and oppose his wrong position and, working with others, we repeatedly defeated his illogical position.
Proclaiming himself king of kings: The third mistake has been the tendency by Gadhafi to interfere in the internal affairs of many African countries, using the little money Libya has compared to those countries. One blatant example was his involvement with cultural leaders of black Africa - kings, chiefs, etc. Since the political leaders of Africa had refused to back his project of an African government, Gadhafi, incredibly, thought that he could bypass them and work with these kings to implement his wishes. I warned Gadhafi in Addis Ababa that action would be taken against any Ugandan king who involved himself in politics, because it was against our Constitution. I moved a motion in Addis Ababa to expunge from the records of the AU all references to kings (cultural leaders) who had made speeches in our forum, because they had been invited there illegally by Colonel Gadhafi.
Ignoring the plight of Southern Sudan: The fourth big mistake was made by most of the Arab leaders, including Gadhafi to some extent. This was in connection with the long suffering people of southern Sudan. Many of the Arab leaders either supported or ignored the suffering of the black people in that country. This unfairness always created tension and friction between us and the Arabs. However, I must salute Gadhafi and President Hosni Mubarak for travelling to Khartoum just before the referendum in Sudan, during which time they advised President Omar al-Bashir to respect the results of that exercise.
Terrorism: Sometimes Gadhafi and other Middle Eastern radicals do not distance themselves sufficiently from terrorism, even when they are fighting for a just cause. Terrorism is the use of indiscriminate violence - not distinguishing between military and nonmilitary targets. The Middle Eastern radicals, quite different from the revolutionaries of black Africa, seem to say that any means is acceptable as long as you are fighting the enemy. That is why they hijack planes, use assassinations, plant bombs in bars, etc. Why bomb bars? People who go to bars are normally merrymakers, not politically minded people.
We were together with the Arabs in the anticolonial struggle. The black African liberation movements, however, developed differently from the Arab ones. Where we used arms, we fought soldiers or sabotaged infrastructure but never targeted noncombatants. These indiscriminate methods tend to isolate the struggles of the Middle East and the Arab world. It would be good if the radicals in these areas could streamline their work methods in this area of using violence indiscriminately.
These are some of the negative points in connection to Gadhafi as far as Uganda's patriots have been concerned over the years. Each of these positions taken by Gadhafi have been unfortunate and unnecessary.
Nevertheless, Gadhafi has also had many positive points, objectively speaking. These positive points have been for the good of Africa, Libya, and the Third World.
I will deal with them point by point:
Gadhafi is a nationalist: Gadhafi has conducted an independent foreign policy and, of course, also independent internal policies. I am not able to understand the position of Western countries, which appear to resent independent-minded leaders and seem to prefer puppets. Puppets are not good for any country. Most of the countries that have transitioned from Third World to First World status since 1945 have had independent-minded leaders: South Korea (Park Chung-hee), Singapore (Lee Kuan Yew), China People's Republic (Mao Tse Tung, Chou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping, Marshal Yang Shangkun, Li Peng, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao), Malaysia (Dr. Mahthir Mohamad), Brazil (Luis Inacio Lula da Silva), Iran (the Ayatollahs Khomeini and Khamenei), etc. Between World War I and World War II, the Soviet Union transitioned into an industrial country, propelled by the dictatorial but independent-minded Joseph Stalin. In Africa, we have also benefited from a number of independent-minded leaders: Colonel Nasser of Egypt, Mwalimu Nyerere of Tanzania, Samora Machel of Mozambique, and others. That is how southern Africa was liberated. That is how we got rid of Idi Amin. The stopping of genocide in Rwanda and the overthrow of Mobutu Sese-Seko in the Democratic Republic of the Congo were as a result of efforts of independent-minded African leaders.
Gadhafi, whatever his faults, is a true nationalist. I prefer nationalists to puppets of foreign interests. Where have the puppets caused the transformation of countries? I need some assistance with information on this from those who are familiar with puppetry.
By contrast, the independent-minded Gadhafi had some positive contributions to Libya, I believe, as well as Africa and the Third World. Take just one example: At the time we were fighting the criminal dictatorships here in Uganda, we had a problem arising of a complication caused by our failure to capture enough guns at Kabamba on Feb. 6, 1981. Gadhafi gave us a small consignment of 96 rifles, 100 anti-tank mines, etc., that was very useful. He did not consult Washington or Moscow before he did this. This was good for Libya, for Africa, and for the Middle East. We should also remember as part of that independent-mindedness the fact that he expelled British and American military bases from Libya.
He raised the price of oil: Before Gadhafi came to power in 1969, a barrel of oil was 40 American cents. He launched a campaign to withhold Arab oil unless the West paid more for it. I think the price went up to $20 per barrel. When the Arab-Israel war of 1973 broke out, the barrel of oil went up to $40. I am, therefore, surprised to hear that many oil producers in the world, including the Gulf countries, do not appreciate the historical role played by Gadhafi on this issue. The huge wealth many of these oil producers are enjoying was, at least in part, due to Gadhafi's efforts. The Western countries have continued to develop in spite of paying more for oil. It therefore means that the pre-Gadhafi oil situation was characterized by super exploitation of oil producing countries by the Western countries.
Gadhafi built Libya: I have never taken the time to investigate socio-economic conditions within Libya. When I was last there, I could see good roads, even from the air. From the TV pictures, you can even see the rebels zooming up and down in pick-up trucks on very good roads accompanied by Western journalists. Who built these good roads? Who built the oil refineries in Brega and those other places where the fighting has been taking place recently? Were these facilities built during the time of the king and his American and British allies, or were they built by Gadhafi?
In Tunisia and Egypt, some youths immolated themselves because they failed to get jobs. Are the Libyans without jobs also? If so, why are there hundreds of thousands of foreign workers? Is Libya's policy of providing so many jobs to Third World workers bad? Are all the children going to school in Libya? Was that the case in the past - before Gadhafi? Is the conflict in Libya economic or purely political? Possibly Libya could have transitioned more if they encouraged the private sector further. However, this is something the Libyans are better placed to judge. As it is, Libya is a middle income country with a GDP of $62 billion.
He's a moderate: Gadhafi is one of the few secular leaders in the Arab world. He does not believe in Islamic fundamentalism, which is why Libyan women have been able to go to school, to join the army, and so forth. This is a positive point on Gadhafi's side.
Coming to the present crisis, therefore, I need to point out some issues:
First, we must distinguish between demonstrations and insurrections. Peaceful demonstrations should not be fired upon with live bullets. Of course, even peaceful demonstrations should coordinate with the police to ensure that they do not interfere with the rights of other citizens. However, when rioters are attacking police stations and army barracks with the aim of taking power, then they are no longer demonstrators; they are insurrectionists. They will have to be treated as such. A responsible government would have to use reasonable force to neutralize them. Of course, the ideal responsible government should also be one that is elected by the people at periodic intervals. If there is a doubt about the legitimacy of a government, and the people decide to launch an insurrection, that should be the decision of the internal forces. It should not be for external forces to arrogate themselves that role; often, they do not have enough knowledge to decide rightly.
Excessive external involvement always brings terrible distortions. Why should external forces involve themselves? That is a vote of no confidence in the people themselves. A legitimate internal insurrection, if that is the strategy chosen by the leaders of that effort, can succeed. The Shah of Iran was defeated by an internal insurrection; the Russian Revolution in 1917 was an internal insurrection; the Revolution in Zanzibar in 1964 was an internal insurrection; the changes in Ukraine, Georgia, and so forth - all were internal insurrections. It should be for the leaders of the resistance in a given country to decide their strategy, not for foreigners to sponsor insurrection groups in sovereign countries.
I am totally allergic to foreign, political, and military involvement in sovereign countries, especially the African countries. If foreign intervention is good, then, African countries should be the most prosperous countries in the world, because we have had the greatest dosages of that: the slave trade, colonialism, neo-colonialism, imperialism, etc. But all those foreign-imposed phenomena have been disastrous. It is only recently that Africa is beginning to come up, partly because we are rejecting external meddling. External meddling and the acquiescence by Africans into that meddling have been responsible for the stagnation on our continent. The wrong definition of priorities in many African countries is, in many cases, imposed by external groups. Failure to prioritize infrastructure, for instance, especially energy, is, in part, due to some of these pressures. Instead, consumption is promoted. I have witnessed this wrong definition of priorities even here in Uganda. External interests linked up, for instance, with bogus internal groups to oppose energy projects for false reasons. How will an economy develop without energy? Quislings and their external backers do not care about all this.
Second, if you promote foreign backed insurrections in small countries like Libya, what will you do with the big ones like China, a country with a system different from the Western system? Are you going to impose a no-fly zone over China in case of some internal insurrections, as happened in Tiananmen Square, in Tibet, or in Urumqi?
Third, Western countries always use double standards. In Libya, they are very eager to impose a no-fly zone. In Bahrain and other areas where there are pro-Western regimes, they turn a blind eye to the very same or even worse conditions. We have been appealing to the United Nations to impose a no-fly zone over Somalia - so as to impede the free movement of terrorists linked to al Qaeda, which killed Americans on September 11th, killed Ugandans last July, and have caused so much damage to the Somalis - without success. Why? Are there no human beings in Somalia, as there are in Benghazi? Or is it because Somalia does not have oil that is not fully controlled by the Western oil companies, as in Libya on account of Gadhafi's nationalist posture?
Fourth, the Western countries are always very prompt in commenting on every problem in the Third World - Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, etc. Yet, some of these very countries were the ones impeding growth in those countries. There was a military coup d'état that slowly became a revolution in backward Egypt in 1952. The new leader, Nasser, had ambitions to oversee the transformation of Egypt. He wanted to build a dam not only to generate electricity but also to help with the ancient irrigation system of Egypt. He was denied money by the West because they did not believe that Egyptians needed electricity. Nasser decided to raise that money by nationalizing the Suez Canal. He was attacked by Israel, France, and Britain. To be fair to the United States, President Eisenhower opposed that aggression that time. Of course, there was also the firm stance of the Soviet Union at that time. How much electricity was this dam supposed to produce? Just 2000 megawatts - for a country like Egypt!! What moral right, then, do such people have to comment on the affairs of these countries?
Fifth, the by-now-entrenched habit of the Western countries over-using their technological superiority to impose war on less developed societies, without impeachable logic, will ignite an arms race in the world. The actions of the Western countries in Iraq and now Libya are emphasizing that might is "right." I am quite sure that many countries that are able to will scale up their military research, and in a few decades, we may have a more armed world. Weapons science is not magic. A small country like Israel is now a superpower in terms of military technology. Yet 60 years ago, Israel had to buy second-hand Fouga Magister planes from France. There are many countries that can become small Israels if this trend of Western countries overusing military means continues.
Sixth, all this notwithstanding, Col. Gadhafi should be ready to sit down with the opposition, under the mediation of the AU, with the opposition cluster of groups which now includes individuals well known to us. I know Gadhafi has his system of elected committees that convene to form a National People's Conference. Actually, Gadhafi thinks this is superior to our multi-party systems. Of course, I have never had time to study how truly competitive this system is. Anyway, even if it is competitive, there is now, apparently, a significant number of Libyans who think that there is a problem in their country's governance. Since there has not been internationally observed elections in Libya, not even by the AU, we cannot know what is correct and what is false. Therefore, a dialogue is the correct way forward.
Seventh, the AU mission was unable to enter Libya because the Western countries started bombing the day before they were supposed to arrive. However, the mission will continue. My opinion is that, in addition to what the AU mission is doing, it may be important to call an extraordinary summit of the AU in Addis Ababa to discuss this grave situation.
Eighth, regarding the Libyan opposition, I would feel embarrassed to be backed by Western war planes. Quislings of foreign interests have never helped Africa. We have had a copious supply of them in the last 50 years - Mobutu Sese-Seko, Houphouet Boigny, Kamuzu Banda, etc. The West has made a lot of mistakes in Africa and in the Middle East in the past. Apart from the slave trade and colonialism, they participated in the killing of Patrice Lumumba, until recently the only elected leader of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the poisoning of Cameroonian political leader Felix Moummie, and the assassination of Prime Minister Bartholomew Boganda of the Central African Republic. The West supported UNITA in Angola, Idi Amin - at the beginning of his regime - in Uganda, and the counter-revolutionaries in Iran in 1953. Recently, there has been some improvement in the arrogant attitudes of some of these Western countries. Certainly, with black Africa and, particularly, Uganda, the relations are good following the fair stand the West has taken on the fate of the black people of southern Sudan. With the democratization of South Africa and the freedom of the black people in southern Sudan, the difference between the patriots of Uganda and the Western governments had disappeared. Unfortunately, these rash actions on Libya are beginning to raise new problems. They should be resolved quickly.
Ninth, if the Libyan opposition groups are patriots, they should fight their war by themselves and conduct their affairs by themselves. After all, they easily captured so much equipment from the Libyan Army, why do they need foreign military support? I only had 27 rifles. To be puppets is not good.
Tenth, as to the international community, the African members of the Security Council voted for this resolution on Libya. This was contrary to what the Africa Peace and Security Council had decided in Addis Ababa recently. This is something that only the extraordinary AU summit can resolve. It was good that certain big countries in the Security Council - Russia, China, Brazil, and India - abstained on this resolution. This shows that there are balanced forces in the world that will, with more consultations, evolve more correct positions.
Eleventh, and finally, being members of the United Nations, we are bound by the resolution that was passed, however rushed the process. Nevertheless, there is a mechanism for review. The Western countries, which are most active in these rushed actions, should consider that route. It may be one way of extricating all of us from possible nasty complications. What if the Libyans loyal to Gadhafi decide to fight on? Using tanks and planes that are easily targeted by French President Nicolas Sarkozy's planes is not the only way of fighting. Who will be responsible for such a protracted war? It is high time we did more careful thinking.